Tag Archives: Kathmandu University School of Management

Post- Crisis Blues

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Prof. Subas KC, Kathmandu University School of Management

At the time of major national crises, we have been witnessing two regular trends – almost always. The first one is the emergence of inevitable tidal wave of “nationalism”, which is good to see happening (even though it recedes as fast as it rises, true to the nature of a tide!). The other one is much stronger and long enduring avalanche of “prolific profiteerism” that hits most of us harder than the crisis itself and washes away much of what we try to preserve after the trauma (again as avalanche faithfully does!).

What is surprising is the scale of both enterprises. There is always wider participation in them from multiple sections of the society, and surely there is always the much stretched “creative ingenuity” that is visible in their design and delivery. One would not expect the magnitude, intensity and novelty with which they emerge in the immediate aftermath of catastrophes that interrupt the rhythm of life and often threaten life itself. But they do emerge and exceed expectations (or fears).

Similarities between them, though, end here. If the “nationalism” helps little except perhaps some feel-good effect, it does not harm much either. I have little problem with it, though I wish our emotional arousal at such times resulted in a slightly more productive actions from each one of us contributing to the nation in whose name we go on our psychedelic rampage. I also wish it did not ebb out so quickly! It is in the very nature of a psychological escape route that it changes little of the reality but it does not make it worse either. Our nationalism is our psychological coping mechanism, an instrument that helps us redeem from collective guilt conscience. To that extent, I welcome the eruption of ‘in-crisis nationalism’.

I cannot, though, say the same about the other ‘inevitable’ of crisis that wrecks life and makes it wretched. It works with a wicked design, even worse than the crisis itself. Profiteerism perfects its art in our land at the time of national crisis, as we are witnessing now and as we did not so long ago. This indeed happens with almost religious rituality -and regularity!

What is happening now is no exception, or perhaps a better (or rather bitter?) version of the regularity. When a large number of people are reeling under acute scarcity of life-sustaining materials and over-supply of political bullyism along and across the border, the usual – and not-so-usual – “profit-multiplying” enterprises have sprung up more swiftly and severely than the onslaught of the crisis. One is astounded as much by the intensity of this entrepreneurial zeal as by the extension of its scope. It seems profiteerism is currently the most inclusive ideology and instrument allowing wider partnership and engagement of diverse individuals and institutions across regions, communities, religions, cultures, social hierarchies, and intellectual labels. A model of “successful inclusion” indeed! Diversity of shapes and sizes of the actors, but the unity of purpose! The single motivation is making money out of misery. Misery of millions but Millions for few!

I would have almost inclined to forget, if not forgive, this ‘evil enterprise’, consoling myself, though painfully, that it is the extreme extension of greed psychology some people always give in to, if it was not for the absolute absence of shame in running it. The art of shamelessness – and meanness – has perfected in their acts. No moral qualms whatsoever, no guilt feeling however little, and not even a faded trace of apologetic attitude! The money machine and the mean motivation are on a long over-drive without any feeling of repent or regret but, on the contrary, with a sense of rightful action. This is seriously objectionable. Right to reject others’ rights is as much preposterous in its logic as it is dangerous. And we know history has always been darkened when some people did exercise their rights to reject the rights of others. And this is exactly what we are witnessing in full version. Many, many rights of many, many people are being wrongly – and wrongfully – written off. No one has this right; no one should have.

In its proliferation drive, profiteerism has grown out of its individual enterprise status into a state of institutionalized ideology. It has always been there in some way but what we have seen lately is an unprecedented upsurge of the psychology and the corresponding practices of private gain at the cost of public pain by those who are there to protect people from such wicked designs. A case of the protector being a perpetrator himself! Indulgence in insatiable greed by public institutions, particularly at the time of crises, is an evidence of how much frail is our society in its constitution and how much uncivilized are we in our conducts. This is a risk from within, and this is a proof of social shallowness and hollowness. Borrowing from V. S. Naipaul, I would say ours is a “wounded civilization”. How else one can explain the gleeful gratification by one member of society in sucking the blood of another fellow sharing the same fate down to the last drop in the name of profit, be it economic, social, political or psychological?

And the mother of all wonders is our meek-to-enthusiastic participation in profiteerism by letting its entrepreneurs exploit us to their capacity and inclination. It takes place under various pretexts – from necessity to compulsion, and from optionlessness to helplessness. We are prepared to pay the highest price, even beyond our means, but not to accept even the lowest pain by avoiding the consumption of the “merchandises” of profiteers. By not being prepared for suffering a little – or even a lot, if it comes to that – with less than what we are used to in our consumption of the merchandises in the profit-multiplying markets at the time of crisis, we are becoming good partners of bad profiteerism. And this way we are giving legitimization to it.

I am not talking here about those among us who see their “social power and prestige” multiplied many times over and think their “psychological aggrandizement” is infinitely intensified by showing their “purchasing power and prowess” in becoming more than willing consumers and the highest bidders of in the market of profiteerism. To me, this is sheer vulgarism and third-degree vanity but, for reasons I cannot understand let alone explain, they perceive it as their verve or even virtue. May God bless their lost souls! But even most commoners like us fall prey to this temptation of giving in to the profiteers’ ill-designs but not to give up our consumption. Unless we are prepared to suffer a little now we will continue suffering a lot for ever. Sooner we understand this reality, the better off we will be.

A crisis shakes us all; it is in its very nature. But it becomes worse when a crisis also brings out the worst in us. It is a painful irony. One would naturally expect that we garner our best at these times of troubles but some or many of us seem to give our worst. In-crisis nationalism diverts us from facing the real issue, and proliferated profiteerism makes the real issue really bad rendering life to more miseries than by the crisis itself. We would do well to understand them for their worth (or rather lack of it!) and find alternative psychological and practical approaches to coping with post-crisis situation. A crisis always inflicts wound to us all, like it has done recently, but let us not make ourselves a “wounded civilization” by our own post-crisis actions.

 

 

Face of Political Leadership: A Theory-based Analysis

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Prof. Subas KC, Kathmandu University School of Management

I draw out below some quick inferences from the analysis of the emergence and effectiveness of political leadership based on case studies of some real time politicians in Nepal.  In doing so, I’ve made theory-based meta-analysis of the findings of the target leaders covered in the case studies and tried to identify a few implications for leadership emergence and effectiveness.

Theory-based Inferences

  1. Possession of certain ‘situationally appropriate’ personal traits and their ‘exploitative utilization’ explains their emergence as political leaders.
  2. Their effectiveness as leaders is generally low and, in majority cases, is fast declining – their ‘emergence traits’ are not helping much to ensure ‘effectiveness’.  ‘Effectiveness traits’ are in short supply or even completely missing
  3. Low or no observed effectiveness is partly a result of the process of ‘leadership derailment’ the process of which has already set in and is clearly visible in majority cases as one can establish by looking at the behavioral and situational characteristics associated with political leaders.
  4. Charisma explains leadership emergence in Nepali politics but fails to account for leadership effectiveness the reason for which appears to be the availability of – and obsession with – ‘personalized charisma’ among political leaders but lack of ‘socialized charisma’ associated with most of them as a result of which they are not able to pursue larger social mission in mobilizing and inspiring large number of people for social movement and actions.
  5. Some isolated cases suggest traces of ‘inspirational and socialized charisma’ but it is too little to have substantial and visible impact on the life of the nation. Such leaders are not in ‘position’ and ‘power’ to make much difference, and considering the fact that ‘position power’ is the main source of both perceived power and used power in our society, they have little clout for making changes.  Within their own parties they are ‘marginalized’ and they don’t have mass following.  Charisma coupled with power often results in major social transformation, but there is no such convergence here.  Even these leaders don’t have a strong ‘moral power’ base; hence their socialized charisma has produced little result.  This explains low leadership effectiveness of these leaders.
  6. The reason why despite little demonstrated leadership effectiveness many political leaders hold attention of people (positively or negatively) can be explained in psycho-dynamic terms.  They have a personality characteristic of a ‘marketer’, who has a high level of adaptability, self-promotability, and aligning capability.
  7. High expectations of people from some political leaders at one stage of their political career can be explained in terms of the personality characteristic of a ‘productive narcissist’, who is a self-centered visionary with a high desire for self-admiration. As they have embodied more of the weak characteristics of a productive narcissist such as little social connectedness and high self-importance rather than the strengths, they have failed to translate their self-generated or text-book vision into social results.
  8. Analysis of personality structures of political leaders indicate the presence of  a little ‘Rebel Child’ ego state among some of them that pushes them from time to time to revolt, break out and challenge the establishment and status quo, and for this reasons their actions are noted by people and they are admired.  However, this is not symbiotically linked with the ‘Adult’ (rational part of personality embodying thoughts and determination) and ‘Natural Child’ (emotional part of personality fueled with energy, zeal and novelty) ego states, which explains why the energy, risk-taking and change-orientation properties of their personality are largely under-utilized without producing profound changes.  It is a case of wasted potential.
  9. There are heavy dose of ‘Critical Parent’ ego state in the personality of many political leaders that explains their ‘authoritarian supremacy’ mindset and behaviors.
  10. Interestingly, even those political leaders who were academic high performers during their student life have not evolved into thought leaders and are not able to lead by creative and appealing ideas and communicating them in way that make them personally meaningful to the mass.  Thought leadership is not a defining characteristic of our contemporary political leadership.  So is authentic leadership; political leaders have not been able to establish themselves authentically as pro-people leaders earning their complete faith, admiration, hope and presenting role models.
  11. In behavioral terms, the styles with which political leaders relate themselves with the led are not in step with the development and responsiveness levels of the various categories of people.  Most groups of people have moved along their consciousness continuum, the political leaders have not.  There is an obsession with old authoritative and directive styles with little evidence of supportive, participatory and achievement-oriented behaviors.  Quality of relationship with people, except with a limited group of the leader’s coterie, is generally low.  There is little evidence that suggests political leaders behave in a way that helps people set goals for themselves and remove obstacles on their way to the goals; on the contrary, leaders may have, knowingly or unknowingly, created more obstacles.
  12. Some success examples of a few leaders at some stages of their political career suggest their capability to lead a narrow functional domain or campaign or movement for a certain period of time.  The successful functional leadership is not, however, positively correlated with their success as a general or overall leader.  Availability of ‘general leadership’ is even more in short supply in our politics.  This substantiates the proposition of ‘leadership deficit’ in our society.

Implications for Leadership Emergence and Effectiveness

  1. Our society will continue to experience a paradoxical situation of ‘abundance of leaders’ with ‘leadership deficit’ in politics – and by extension in other fields of national life.  Emergence of leaders is made easy by the rather generous supply of certain personal traits that are quickly acknowledged by political parties as essentials for recognizing and rewarding individuals as leaders.  What is needed is to develop better understanding of – and greater recognition for – effectiveness traits as evaluation criteria for making leaders.
  2. We will see more derailed leaders in politics, creating further erosion in people’s faith in leadership and dilution of and deviations from the national goals.  ‘Personalized charisma’ will continue to be main currency in politics and the roles of politicians will be either that of a ‘marketer’ or one of ‘weak productive narcissist’.  Psychological makeup of political leaders seems to provide more explanation to the low observed and demonstrated effectiveness of political leaders rather than the situational factors which, if not fully supportive, are not unmanageably adverse either, for the exercise of effective political leadership.   It would be immensely interesting and useful to psycho-dynamically analyze and understand political leaders and how their psychological strengths and deficiencies are affecting the way they are exercising leadership. Research studies would be required for this purpose.
  3. Both dysfunctional mind-sets and behaviors of political leaders as outlined above are not likely to change any sooner, and they will continue to spoil leadership effectiveness in politics.  The socialized charisma, though weak in potency, of some youth leaders will attract more similar youth into politics but as they will have little clout to influence major change, they will abandon the field and take up other vocations for living or will adopt the mainstream style of leadership for personal growth within the party structure.  This will further fuel people’s disappointment and disenchantment with political leaders.
  4. Leaders will continue to emerge without emergence of leadership and with little leadership effectiveness in sight.   Leadership development will be required to correct this situation for which the nation needs to make huge social investment over a period of time in terms of changing social values and norms associated with leadership, creating institutions and role models for training, developing and mentoring leaders, and establishing regulatory and normative frameworks for evaluating and rewarding leaders based on performance.  Leadership, in politics as much as in any other field, just doesn’t happen; the society has to make it.  We cannot wait till the social situation deteriorates so much that a new avatar appears to provide the leadership we need.
  5. The most critical implication of the quick analysis is that ‘replacement’ of current set of political leaders will have to be the priority agenda of the nation for the time being.  In the long run, there is no option.

 

I acknowledge the contributions by the EMBA Participants of the School’s for their field works, based on which this analysis has been done, as part of their Leadership and Change Management course I taught them.

From Euphoric Volunteerism to Prolific Activism: Way Forward for Youth in Action

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Prof. Subas KC, Kathmandu University School of Management

A silver lining in the current crisis is the way our youth responded. Shaking of the earth shook them off the inertia. We saw, almost in a pleasantly surprising way, thousands of them spontaneously engaged with community, rushing to rescue the endangered and reaching out to help the helpless. Mobilizing resources and giving to the community have gained sudden premium among the youth who otherwise seemed ‘virtually’ locked into self-centrism. Kudos to those unnamed youth in thousands who have not only rescued the dangerously exposed fellow human beings but in the process have also salvaged our sinking hope about the future of this nation. Their acts have been both inspired and inspiring.

Now as the dust of devastation is slowly settling down – hopefully, that is – it is time we reflected seriously about promises and pitfalls arising out of the emergence of the ‘youth action’. I am sure spontaneous volunteerism is here to stay in both action and attitude of our youth. So will the desire to reach out, mobilize, and give to the badly bruised.   A new character of our youth and a new youth culture might as well be in the making. On a broader social level, it will be both a transformation and transformative if it continues and is consolidated.   Will it? Will we? I wish the answer was straightforward and unconditional positive.

My worst fear is the phenomenon we are witnessing – and much appreciating – may finally settle into only a euphoric volunteerism the example of which is not that rare for us to recall. Our culture promotes euphoric emotionality, and the psychology of youth is more susceptible to it. The risk is this surge of energy and enthusiasm may only be a fad and recede into oblivion for want of a sense of purpose and passion. Similarly the actions of ‘rushing to help’ may breed among the ‘helpers’ a psychology of giver and savior, reinforcing the traditional pattern of power relationship between the dole dispenser and the resource receiver.

For avoiding these pitfalls, leadership is critical. It is also a constraint at the moment. There seems to be an obvious case of leadership deficit in the sense of the youth not being provided with a purposive direction, role model, elevation of personal standards, and empowerment in their engagement with the community. I will not be surprised if this has given rise to a perspective of short-termism, not seeing the problems of the communities and their own roles in relation to the needs of the people at distress from a long term consideration.   But an even more important dimension of the leadership in this case is its emergence within and from the youth in action. Is it evolving? I wish I could answer positively and confidently.

Whether it comes from the existing or the emergent leadership, what is important is the recognition and acceptance of the need for regeneration of communities ravaged by the fury of nature, not simply relief, rehabilitation or rebuilding. While they must be priorities for now, a longer term perspective of regenerating communities for them to rise to a new level of collective being and doing must guide the immediate actions directed towards them. And the pattern of such actions should be in the form of active and collaborative engagement with the communities, the purpose not being to ‘give’ them but to work with and enable them. In the long run, the communities should be able to develop and regenerate in line with their own tradition and along the way of their informed aspiration. External supportive interventions should facilitate, not replace, it.

Our youth, so active now in working with the communities at distress, will do well to recognize and realize the true nature of their work. There is a need for moving away from euphoric volunteerism and into the realm of prolific activism as they engage with the communities at the time of distress and even otherwise. What is needed is not only action but conviction and passion and a clear sense of purpose, both personally and collectively. My hope is our youth will set this course for themselves and walk the way without waiting for wise words from elsewhere.

The recent earthquakes have regrettably demolished much of what were dear to us. If the tradition of our way of working for and with the communities is also abolished in the aftermath of the terrifying tremors, there will be at least one thing for us not to be sad about the loss we have suffered. This is both a challenge and a choice for our youth.

Devotional Spirit beyond Religion

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Prof. Subas K.C. Kathmandu University School of Management

The other day, taking advantage of a break in the hectic work schedule that has annoyingly become my identity, I spent some time in a religious shrine, watching the fervent devotional spirit and passion of people.  Many fleeting thoughts and feelings whizzed past me but one of them lingered for long.  It was about the link between religion and management, or rather the thought about elevating management to a higher plane as an emotion, as a passion.  I wished other dimensions of social life, e.g. management or social work, could whip up as much devotional energy as by religion. The results would be fabulous, wouldn’t they? How can we link spiritualism with management, social work or other dimensions of life?

One specific dimension of this issue is making management and social science education more receptive of spiritualism in terms of curriculum design and program delivery.  This requires refocusing educational programs, e.g. MBA, to incorporate spiritual values and principles for producing management and social science graduates who will perform their managerial and professional responsibilities with a sense of higher purpose and a set of value-based practices. They will, I’ve no doubt, make a huge difference in how organizations are managed and social actions are conducted. We can expect better results from spiritually-inspired management and professional practices.

My contention or concern, though, is much larger than this – the devotional spirit and energy that religion evokes in people is so great that they go to any extent to observe religious practices willingly. Why, my question is, management or social work or other aspects of social life cannot generate even a fraction of that zeal? Despite different innovative approaches, management, for example, often fails to obtain and retain a high level of commitment of people to their work, as is a common experience of us all.  I think we need to analyze and understand the fundamental influencing property of religion that is so powerful in eliciting almost ecstatic energy and try to build it into other dimensions of social and organizational life for better commitment and inspired performance of people. I’ve no clue at the moment but feel that we can do some kind of deep reflection and research to find the answer.

I think future of the organized society depends on how effective we can be in elevating management and other social actions to the level of religion.  Difficult yet desirable, isn’t it?

On Resurrection of Our Nation

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Prof. Subas K.C, Kathmandu University School of Management

Having lived a life full of expectations but with the bitter experience of denial and betrayal in their delivery while silently observing the crucifixion of the nation by its trustees for so long, I am sure all common Nepali now have one common dream: resurrection of our beloved nation.  I have this dream.  No goal is worthier than this.  A worthy goal demands – and deserves – a worthy effort.  Unless we put worthy efforts, this goal will be as elusive as ever.  So the need is for us to have our role in the nation’s resurrection.

As a matter of fact, resurrection of the nation has never been a more worthy goal in our history. To me, resurrection has a larger meaning – reestablishment of civil and economic rights and attainment of economic development as well as re-engineering of social, political and cultural structures and processes that have been contaminated over the years, and even redirection of nation’s psychology that has now developed acute psycho-pathological symptoms.  At the root is the issue of reconstructing nation’s conscience, spirit and self.  But I don’t want to bog down to definitional elements of national resurrection; what is more important is that we people realize and accept its need and generate enough desire and determination to work for it.  We can always work out the details when we as a nation resolve into our resurrection journey.

Yes, there are powerful elements who would force their own definitions and directions of resurrection, but this is where we need leadership. The identity of the nation cannot be a subject of ‘clan entitlements’; those who love the nation know what the nation is irrespective of whatever ‘distorted interpretations’ are circulated and even forced onto the people. It may take a long time for people to realize, even longer for them to act, but let’s not be so desperate in our spirit that we start giving up hope.

The love for the nation and the willingness to contribute to the society should be stronger than the fear of being one of them for emergence of new leadership. My guess is we’ve not yet arrived at this stage. Hence the suffering of crucifixion! Who will crucify those who are crucifying us? Let’s not wish that there are ‘extraterrestrial’creatures who will do it for us. We people must do it with collective thoughts and collective actions. Here lies the problem. But let’s not lose heart; the day will come, if not in my life time, then in the life time of my next generation

About my love for the nation, I am just an ordinary Nepali and I love Nepal just like most other Nepali do – perhaps not more but definitely not less either. I was born a Nepali and I want die as a Nepali, not with a fragmented and localized little identity tag that is now on sale.  And this is, I believe, the sentiment of most Nepali.

I agree we need to be a little more – or even a lot more – specific about our role in the process of building a better Nepal.  Accepting my agonizingly limited knowledge of what’s going on around in the country, constrained as I am by my almost negligible role in the national totality particularly when it comes to shaping and executing policies and actions that matter, I dare suggesting that there are many holders of roles right in front of our noses who are not only specific about their role but, more importantly, delivering it sincerely and sensibly – the way it ought to be.  But aren’t they marginalized and made to feel humiliated and guilty of their devotion?  What kind of society have we created where honest and capable role performers are to choose self-imposed exile and obscurity to preserve a little dignity they have?  This is shameful but since we have constructed it, we need to deconstruct it ourselves.

I believe many of us are prepared (and also capable) for taking our role in national resurrection but are disenchanted with the gross devaluation of national life to the extent that it is becoming disgusting. There lies the fundamental contradiction and our intellectual impotence. Role, like path, should be created but we are waiting for the emergence of roles for us.  Well, under the present systems it appears there is no role for those who go by principled practices and value-driven actions. It’s a catch 22 situation.  I don’t know what we can do but a serious thinking is perhaps the first step!  Other steps will follow.  Are we doing it?

When many people contribute even in a limited way that adds to substantial formation of capital of honest practices, dedicated services, clean conducts, and effective results.  At this stage, we need such ‘national capital’ built as much as possible and as fast as possible with as wide engagement of as many like-minded Nepali as possible.  I know this is a herculean task probably beyond capacity or time frame of our generation. Preparing next generation who can take it over from us is where I see hope.  I know criticizing politicians and bureaucrats does not serve the purpose and I consciously avoid attacking them knowing that their training has taken place in our impoverished intellectual and professional milieu with little inspiring role models.  But I also don’t believe that there will be change of leaders and in leadership any time soon in political and policy domains.  The best bet is to create a ground for a new movement with wider participation guided by intellectualism and professionalism.  Challenge for us is to accept it and work for it.

We need to work more and better to construct a viable model of nation building.  Till we are guided by the one point principle of ‘self-concentration of power and privilege’ at the policy and leadership level, we will have difficulty finding honest and well-meaning thinkers and doers come forward and deliver the results.  Changing this reality is beyond individuals’ scope and capacity; we need to merge into collectivity guided by highest professional standards and love for our motherland.  Nothing less than a social movement is what we need; and my dream is to see such a movement taking some kind of shape in my life time

I know and accept that bashing politicians or bureaucrats or educators is not a solution.  For this reason I consciously refrain from this easy option; we all must.  But this should not translate into passivity and apathy, which we see in plenty around us.  I think we must engage in meaningful dialogue among like-minded people to influence change and generate a formidable force for it to happen. This is a larger role than doing our duties honestly and efficiently. Many of us are doing our duties as best we can, though I accept many more need to apply themselves more honestly and passionately to their duties.  But I believe we need to go beyond that.

I may have given an impression of being sentimental. Yes, I am.  It has its own joy.  On the issue of the nation’s plight and possibility, I’m always tempted to give in to sentimentality. Indeed, sentimentality is probably the only luxury a poor teacher like me can afford.  It is the only capital people like me have in possession; and it is the only investment I can make for my country.  In any case, I’ve always believed that sentiment generates energy for action and altruism; and we need energy if we are to prepare us for change.  I am also aware of the fact that the energy thus produced should be productively channelized lest it does not take a negative course.  This is where we will be tested.  We must not fail us!!

Redirecting Management Education – Bring in the Nepali Context

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Asst. Prof. Rojan Baniya, Kathmandu University School of Management

In the context of the vigor that Nepal experiences at the present time, a direction should be offered to the future pillars of Nepal. I’m talking here about reorienting education for management students. Not many years ago when I was a fresh MBA graduate, my career aspiration was limited to some commercial banks and  few multinational companies. I did not think beyond that. Despite a limited perspective, MBA instilled in me some sparks of entrepreneurship and desire to begin a business. I could not dare to go with the sparks as things are easier said than done and realities outside the classroom settings seemed unbeatable. Thus, entrepreneurship sparks died in between and like me, most of my friends too, opted for an easy way out- a secured and financially rewarding job in a reputed institution.

The trends seem same now when I stand in a position of academic and teach to MBA students in a premier management school. Interestingly, I do not see lack of vigor, vision and passion among these young management futures. Each one of them holds an ability to build the country and make Nepal better. Nevertheless, they still seem to be opting for a job in organizations, yes more different types of organization than before. This presents a big challenge as well as an immense opportunity for management schools that look towards making a long-lasting impact on the nation building process.

Of all the challenges, the one I regard as the foremost in this context is our dependency on academic materials- text books, subject matters, case studies and most important of all researches- that are designed and developed in the Western countries. The concepts, theories and researches of the West do hold a significance and help future managers and leaders in developing knowledge but they also limit their abilities to face and deal with uniqueness of managerial problems and entrepreneurship problems that exist in Nepal.

It is evident from the recent earthquake devastation that Nepali youth do not lack dedication, hard-working attitude and most importantly desire to help other Nepali people in need irrespective of geographical location, castes, income status and education. They are eager to be a partner in nation building. Management students are part of that youth who possess both aptitude and attitude for it.

It is time for management schools to re-direct their vigor towards an area that matters in the context of Nepal. It is high time now that Nepal needs to be known for its original, creative and innovative start-ups rather than Mt. Everest and Gautam Buddha and Brave Gurkha Soldiers. Therefore, I suggest as an academic the inclusion of courses that actually help management students in implementing their dreams of nation building. This can be done by bringing contextually related courses to provide right direction.

One course that I can think of in this context is Agro-tourism. It is a simple concept of merging agriculture with tourism. In Agro-tourism, tourists see and participate in traditional agricultural practices without destroying the ecosystems, the host bases. One can always argue agriculture and tourism are distinct from management but management blends with all areas of work and these are the areas that Nepal can always develop and take pride in. The integration of technicalities of agriculture and tourism and know-how of management will help establish agro-tourism as well. This will be a sustainable business for the country with opportunity of employments to Nepali people. Additionally, management aspirants will have more faith in themselves in paving a new path rather than walking in a walked path. Management schools and academics like me will have more sense of duty and inner satisfaction in being able to be guide such management aspirants.

To sum up, Agro-tourism as a course is one idea of a course among all other potential courses that can be thought of as being directly related to the context of Nepal’s uniqueness in terms of external environment. It is time for management schools, academics and management students to come out of their comfort zone and contribute significantly to national building with innovative yet contextually relevant courses. This could be a critical step for management schools in their journey of nation building.

‘Managementlessness’ in Political Perspective and Practice

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Prof. Subas KC , Kathmandu University School of Management

Governance system has completely dominated the national debate and psyche as politicians and their parties are joggling, rather clumsily, the task of framing constitution. Shouldn’t we also debate what kind of management system will deliver the promised and expected results in new Nepal? I’d humbly submit that whatever governance system is in place, it won’t deliver if the nation is managed as before.  It’s time to wake up and work out; it’s already late.  I believe that a serious thought must be given as to how the nation is going to manage the new order that will be in place after the current political and constitutional exercise finds a logical conclusion, whatever it is.

One argument could be that without fixing politics, there is no point in debating about the management dimension of the national political order.  But I would argue that this line of thinking and practice has not paid off well to the Nepali nation. In last 60 years we haven’t been able to ‘fix’ politics in a way that delivers good to the people.

Fundamental though politics is, it will be suicidal for us to wrangle about another sixty years juggling about the appropriate political model. In the same period, a number of nations have zoomed sky high in their development with a variety of political structures and even with political experimentation. It is in the very nature of politics to be controversial but that should not stop leaders across the wide spectrum of national life to work on appropriate management systems and economic development models for national prosperity. I’d go to the extent of suggesting that the inability of our politics to do any good is at least partly due to its obsession with power issues only whereas politics elsewhere develop clear perspectives on national management and development issues. To me, ignoring these critical issues or waiting till politics gets settled before they are worked out is a doomed strategy from which we are suffering. Chance is that if we start working on them, even politics will be better.

My contention is about ‘managementlessness’ (forgive me for this idiosyncratic expression) in the perspectives and practices of politics and governance in our country.  This thinking, which one may contest and even condemn, is based on two fundamental propositions: a. management is pervasive across all human endeavors, including political and governance systems, and b. management creates a rational, or at least a logical, order for systemic performance and results.

With this basic conceptual perspective, I interpret management more in terms of a generic process that facilitates effective performance of any systems, private business, public affairs, politics included.  In this broad sense, I argue that the present political and constitutional debate in Nepal is painfully limited to the issues of governance system, state restructuring and social inclusion without considering their management implications and completely ignoring how will they be managed once they are in place.  This suggests a conventional and unprofessional approach to managing national affairs that has dominated the field in many parts of the world, more so in our country.  And this is what I call ‘managementlessness’ in our politics, government and society – and perhaps in our national psyche.

I have difficulty accepting the logic that we must first workout political structures and public institutions before we need to worry about managing them.  I don’t agree with this order of priorities that political traditionalism would argue.  They have to be taken up and worked out in tandem so as to ensure the viability and functionality of political systems.  But, unfortunately, our politics and politicians are mostly obsessed with power issue as reflected in the debates of governance or restructuring without even an iota of thinking about management vision in the whole exercise.  I tell anyone who cares to listen that it’s going to be costly for the nation as the new order of things they agree and put in place, if they do it at all, will produce little results relative to the aspirations of the people.  It will be old wine in a new bottle.  Here lies the fallacy and even folly of the entire exercise

For this reason, I’m saying that even politicians should have a managerial perspective, of course informed by the complications and complexities of the given social situation, to be able to create and put in place policies, systems and structures that ensure the delivery of peoples’ expectations as reflected in the interests of their constituencies.  Here, I am not suggesting that they should be managers or administrators of a particular system or function, but being broadly guided by managerial perspectives as they articulate, represent and work for peoples’ interests is, in my humble view, a necessity in the democratic polity in the contemporary world.  I’d not give much weight to the politicians ‘own interests’ in this debate, if for nothing else then for the simple reason that we have seen too much of it in the past.  The less such interest is present in politics, the better it will be.

But how likely is it for our politics and politicians to avoid the ‘managementlessness’ I mentioned above and embrace a ‘managerial’ perspective at this time when they are engaged, or so they claim, in crafting the blueprint for a new Nepal.  I don’t want to be a big pessimist but I see not much hope.  The change is possible when political leadership is able to garner trust and enthusiasm of people, which depends on their credible behavior.  Trust and enthusiasm are unfortunately in short supply in Nepali society, and it is largely the making of politicians themselves. They have failed to be credible.  In fact, my argument is that when leaders fail in politics of credibility they indulge in politics of identity. That too, their own and not that of the nation.  And that’s exactly what they are doing.

The politics as we’re experiencing – or rather suffering – today is symptomatic of a sick system which must be cured for a healthy future. Cracks in the social system and national identity are already visible to the great pain for most of us. I believe initiatives from the enlightened segments of the society are urgently needed to prevent the nation from crashing down, keeping the professional, disciplinary and psychological differences among us away for this larger cause.

What is sure is the nation’s identity is not high on agenda just as management of the nation is not. Personal or group identity seems to be gaining upper ground; this is a sinister motive with colossal consequences

Whose fault is this? Are only politicians to blame for the mess we are in now?  What about the roles of intellectuals, elites and professionals?  In a way, we all are responsible for where we are today – but some are more responsible than others.  What is sure is political leadership has failed us.  But so has leadership elsewhere.  The basic question is that of the intellectual foundation and values of Nepali leadership which has never been nourished with enlightened social orientation. It has been trained in the tradition of parochial and self-serving motive and behaviors.

I’m not sure if the situation could have been avoided with different role behaviors of intellectuals, elites and social leaders. My own analysis is that a different role behavior was – and is – not possible with such a poor tradition of intellectualism, enlightened elitism and sincerity in our social landscape. With scarcity of these fundamental ingredients, I’d be surprised if Nepali society could have behaved differently! Now the challenge is how to construct this foundation before expecting a difference.  And this is where our politics and indeed other actors of national life would do well to debate in earnest what kind of management philosophy, systems and structures are required as the nation is grappling with its political and constitutional character and structure.  This will be immensely helped by integrating management into political perspectives and processes.  Managementlessness is costly.

More Education but Less Educated People

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Prof. Subas KC , Kathmandu University School of Management

Most people seem to want education but not to be educated!  Desire for degrees is dominant not the adoption of the learned practices and values in conducting life and its business.  This has led to a situation where we have more education but less educated people in society.  This is worrisome.

Degrees of course have their values from professional and career perspectives; and I, for one, would not devalue educational degrees but my main concern is that we have less ‘educated’ people with more ‘education’.  Here lies the problem with our educational systems. Instead of promoting passion for knowledge, education has become a fashion of pseudo-knowledge. This has severe implications for the future of society and civilization. What is more alarming is there is little understanding of these implications for our future, even less initiative to address them.

One of the reasons for such devaluation of education is the ‘mass production’ technology education is adopting; it has taken away the fundamental purpose of education, reducing it to the status of fast moving consumer good.

If one does not develop values and principles, then education has not served its purpose. Rationality and accountability are the qualities that are based on values and principles without which one is rootless.  Our education is largely producing rootless mass of degree holders.

Education demands – and deserves – a serious reflection as well as action, but that’s not forthcoming even from within the institutions of education. This is a tragedy, and no wonder it is festering frustration among many of us. This frustration is often manifested in the lack of faith on the value of education.

People often give in to the beliefs that education does not make much difference when it comes to developing attitudes, knowledge and capacity as well as in achieving success or worth in life.  However, there is no empirical basis for us to believe that it is true.  As any psychologist would vouch, attitudes, knowledge, ideas and capacity are all learned; they are not genetically inherited. Education is what makes us learn them.  But the tragedy is the educational institutions here have failed to help people acquire and use such attitudes, knowledge and capacity that both reflect and promote the best in human beings from the perspective of development of individuals and the society. Embodiment of these qualities and virtues among the people, who then can be described as ‘educated’, is the basic purpose of education. Our education is failing us in producing such ‘educated’ people.

As I see it, the fundamental role of best educational institutions is to discover empirically validated knowledge by integrating discovery of knowledge (through research in all dimensions) and dissemination of knowledge (through teaching again in all dimensions). They conduct and combine both; that’s why they are the best. Here in Nepal we have difficulty finding ready acceptance of this perspective and practice, let alone many examples of this model of education. This explains our sluggish growth as a society.

Having said this let me humbly submit that not all educational institutions are unaware of the fundamental role of education and educational institutions in the society, though they may be at varying stages of developing a right framework for their operations. Kathmandu University, for example, may be taken as a case in point, which has a clearly stated goal of developing as a research and residential teaching university, though resource constraint and the prevalent mindset of people and government about higher education have slowed down this process. It is trying to work on the model of integration between research and teaching.

Another point to note is that profit has been the defining character of most educational institutions, which is deeply cutting the root of education.  But again this paradigm does not define all educational institutions and educationists. There are exceptions to this general rule, and we must appreciate the good work some people are doing; otherwise ours will be a society devoid of any good people.

It’s already late to have a wider debate on the issue as a few years lost in right education means a generation lost in terms of preparing them for their role in productive role in the society.  My worry is such a debate in the present time will inevitably invite political perspectives and prescriptions which will not help address the issue.  It has proved disastrous, as we have witnessed around us on a regular basis, and the reason is not far to seek.  We have seen the breed of politicians who are devoid of knowledge and wisdom – and for this reason they may not be even ‘educated’ as I believe educated are the ones who have knowledge and wisdom relevant to their fields and also to the society at large. Of course, many of them are educational degree holders but those degrees seem to have added more confidence and cunningness to chase self-interests.  They might as well be good examples of ‘rootless’ leaders, not nourished by values and principles expected of ‘educated’ people.

Recognition of this fallacy of contemporary education is the first step toward correcting it. Corrected it must be for a better future.

 

Structure of Nepal’s Trucking Industry: Results from a Nationwide Survey

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Dr Biswo Poudel, Kathmandu University School of Management

Executive Summary
1. This report includes outcomes from a nationwide survey of trucking industry in Nepal. Using stratified random sampling method,1000 truck owners were sampled from different regions of Nepal. Information about the workforce, financing environment, and working environment of the trucking industry were collected. In doing so, more than 100 variables related to the Nepalese trucking industry were measured.
2. There are at least 39 local trucking entrepreneur’s association(TEA) in Nepal who dictate the rule of trucking operation for about 30,000 trucks along 429 recognized routes, despite the fact that they don’t have any legal authority. TEAs are able to attract membership primarily because of their promise to help truck owners in need. These quasi-insurance offers from TEAs fulfill the void in financial services offered by existing insurance companies. Three reasons primarily explain the popularity of TEAs among truckowners: (a) rise in mass based justice system due to the breakdown of enforcement ability of local government (b) small size of truckowners and hence their inability to absorb economic shocks and (c) nationwide attraction to unionization in Nepal in the last several decades.
3. Nepal is dominated by small truck owners, who on average own 2.4 trucks. The owners come from transportation industry itself and 70% of them don’t have another salable skill. This forces them to ensure their survival at any cost, which they often do by forming collusive groups, which occasionally restricts supply in the market. Our survey reveals that such group formation manifests itself in the form of delayed permit issuance by TEAs in many routes.
Therefore, despite recent clampdown on the financial activities of TEAs, they remain important players in Nepal. Our survey also reveals that truck owners continue to see TEAs as a source of insurance in case of accidents and 93% of those surveyed say they plan to continue their affiliation with them.
4. The typical truck owner operate on a highly hostile and competitive environment: small owners overwhelmingly rely on themselves to get loads. Load availability is highly asymmetric in that almost 60% trucks get loads less than one fifth of time while returning from the destinations. Basically all of the owners use cellphones and employ no other communication devices to track the vehicles. Bribery is a common feature in all aspects of trucking industry operations: it is paid to get the route permits from government and the TEAs; it is also paid to the operatives of different agencies which stop trucks on their way to their destinations. The truck operators are attacked by mobs when accidents happen. They also attract the wrath of the rival truckowners belonging to other TEAs if they load goods from the regions they are unfamiliar with. Insurance firms are not offering diverse enough services and that a small truck owner finds himself in such a cornered position that he self-selects into one of those TEAs to protect his interest.
5. Syndicates impose costs on the overall economy in the form of deadweight loss. We calculated the cost to be $27.5575 million dollars per year. We also estimated that in 2014, out of the 9.1% inflation rate of Kathmandu valley, 11% was due to the syndicates (i.e. in the absence of syndicate, the inflation rate should have been 8%). Furthermore, deadweight loss due to syndicate accounted for 2.6% of total GDP growth.

Click here for detail report

किन भूकम्प पुन:निर्माण प्राधिकरण?

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 ( डा विश्व पौडेल, उपप्राध्यापक, काठमाडौं विश्वविद्यालय स्कुल अफ म्यानेजमंट )

 

भूकम्पोत्तर नेपालमा कतिपयले बल्ल बल्ल राज्य कमजोर भएको महसुस गरे। सडक देखी परपरका गाउँहरुमा पुग्न राज्यलाई चाहदा पनि दिनौ लाग्ने कुरा यस अवस्थामा देखियो। यथार्थमा नेपाल राज्यको शक्ती कहिल्यै पनि सोचेजस्तो बलियो थिएन। हुनत शासकहरु आफ्ना विरोधीहरुलाई राज्यको संयन्त्र प्रयोग गरेर समात्ने र काट्ने गर्न सक्थे, तर साधारण जनताबाट काम लिन सक्ने अथवा उनीहरुलाई सेवा दिन सक्ने क्षमता एकिकरण पछीको नेपालमा कमै मात्र पाईन्छ। यसका निम्न उदाहरणहरु छन:
(क) पृथ्वी नारायण शाहको राज्य विस्तारकालमा जागिरदार, विर्तावाल तथा रजौटाहरुलाई असिमित अधिकार थियो। यिनिहरुनै न्यायालय थिए, पुराना रजौटाहरु मध्य कतिपयले ज्यान लिने अधिकार समेत पाएका थिए। पृथ्वी नेपोलियन जस्तो आफुले जितेको ठाउँमा यो सिद्धान्त अनुसारको शासन गर्छु भनेर राज्यविस्तारमा लागेका व्यक्ती थिएनन।उनलाई पुराना राजाहरुले नराम्रो सँग राज्य चलाए, म यसभन्दा भिन्न रुपले चलाऊछु भन्ने सोचाई पनि थिएन, यसैले आफ्नो हैकम स्विकार्ने सबैलाई उनले रजौटाको रुपमा निरन्तरता दिएका थिए। खाली गोर्खालाई मानिदिएर तोकिएको कुनै कर तिरे पुग्थे। यसैले लिखित संबिधान पाउन नयाँ देश ले विसं १९१० सम्म कुर्नु पर्‍यो, जतिखेर जंगबहादुरले मुलुकी ऐन जारी गरे। त्यस अघी त देश भित्र राज्य, रजौटा, हुकुमी शासक आदिको बिगबिगी थियो। मुलुक भित्र यस अर्थमा धेरै राज्य थिए, तर ति सबैको उद्देश्य शोषणयुक्त र दबाइएका व्यक्तिहरुमाथी शासन गर्नु थियो, न कि तिनको सेवा गर्नु ।
(ख) मुलुक कानुनी शासन अन्तर्गत चल्न धेरै समय लाग्यो, राणाशासनको पतनको बेला बल्ल सर्वोच्च अदालत बन्यो भने पतन पछी बल्ल  बिर्ता दिने चलन रोकियो, भूमीसुधार लागु भयो। तर राजा तथा अन्य शासकहरुको स्वार्थ केन्द्रीक्रित हुकुमी शासनमा नै भएकोले जन उत्तरदायी शासन गर्ने पद्दति भने बनेन। २००७ सालसम्म निजामती र सेनाका सबैलाई तलब दिएर बचेको पैसा श्री ३ को “बाहुली दाखिला” गर्ने चलन भएकोले देशभरी बाट पैसा सोहर्ने पक्की संयन्त्र त थियो, तर त्यसलाई पुन: जनताको हितमा लगाउने संयन्त्र भने थिएन। शासक हरु त्यसैले धनी थिए, प्रजाहरु गरीब। पब्लिक गूड्सहरु झन छदैथिएनन्।
राणाशासन खसेपछी बल्ल कैयन दूरद्रष्टी निर्णय भए: सर्बोच्च अदालतमा पछी सम्म पनि आफ्नो इमान्दारिताको लागि प्रख्यात हरी प्रधान, जस अन्तर्गत विपी कोइरालाले दार्जिलिङ बस्दा अप्रेन्टिस गर्नु भएको थियो,लाई प्रधान न्यायाधिस बनाएर ल्याइयो, मुलुकको शासन भुरे टाकुरे राजा, काठमाडौंका राजा र तिनले तोकेका तालुकदारहरुबाट हुन छोडेर देसव्यापी रुपमा एकै कानुन बनाई सरकारद्वारा नियुक्त व्यक्तीहरुले सरकारी कार्यालयबाट विभिन्न सेवा प्रदान गरी गर्नुपर्छ भन्ने सिद्धान्त स्थापित गरियो।
मुलुकले शासनको अनुभव सँगाल्न नपाउदै निर्वाचित प्रधानमंत्रीलाई हटाएर राजा महेन्द्रले पुन: निरंकुश शासन लगाए।निरंकुश शासन जे सुकै भए पनि, कुनै कालखण्डमा जनहितका एक्कादुइ काम गर्न सफल बने पनी अन्ततोगत्वा जनताप्रती जवाफदेही बन्नु नपर्ने हुनाले त्यसले जनतालाई सेवा पुर्‍याउने भन्दा जनतालाई दोहन मात्र गर्‍यो।जनताको शक्तिको बलमा यसपछी पुन: २०४६ सालमा पञ्चायतलाई हटाइयो। पञ्चायतको पतन पछी बनाइएका स्थानियचुनावका संरचनाहरु फेरी माओवादी युद्धले अकर्मन्य बनाइए। यस परीप्रेक्ष्यमा अहिलेको भूकम्प आएको हो। यस समयको मुख्य विशेषता भनेको यसबेला स्थानिय चुनावको अभावमा राज्य घुम्ती सुरक्षाकर्मीहरुको माध्यमबाट मात्र गाउँगाउँमा पुग्न सक्छ।
राज्यको पहुँच र सडक को बिचमा अनन्योश्रित संबन्ध भएको यस स्थितिमा सडक नभएका पहाडी गाउँहरुमा राज्य पुग्न सकेकै छैन र अहिलेको भूकम्प पनि मुख्यगरी  तिनै ठाउँहरुमा गएको छ।त्यसबाहेक सबैजसो प्राकृतिक विपदमा मुख्य असर विपन्नहरुलाई पर्छ। यी विपदले ग्रामीण तथा स्थानिय अर्थतन्त्रलाई असर पार्छ र सबैभन्दा गरीबहरुलाई झनै शोषणको शिकार बनाउँछ। कमजोर मान्छेहरु, विधवा आईमाईहरु र अनाथ बालबालिकाहरु नै हरेक विपदको प्रथम शिकार हुनेहरु हुन्छन। यिनीहरु मध्य कतिपय विस्तारै गाउँ छोडेर शहरमा भौतारिदै शोषणको शिकार बन्ने, अनाथ वालवालिका बन्ने संभावना छदैछ।
हाल मुलुकको जनहीतको लागि खर्च गर्नसक्ने क्षमतामा पनि त्यसरीनै स्खलन आएको छ। सरकारी तवरमा स्विकारीएका तथ्य यसप्रकार छन:
(क) अहिलेको संरचना बजेटमा छुट्याइएको सिमित बिकास खर्च पनि गर्न असफल छ। अर्थमंत्रालयका अनुसार बजेटमा शुरुहुने संभावनानै नभएका प्रोजेक्टहरुमा पनि पैसा छुट्याएको हुन्छ। यी सबै कुरा राष्ट्रका विभिन्न नियामक निकाय, संबैधानिक अंगहरुको आँखै मुनी हुन्छ र परम्परागत रुपमा भैआएको छ।
(ख) दात्री निकाय तथा वैदेशिक ऋणका लगानिकर्तासँग लिने रकमहरु खर्च भएका छैनन। ऋण लिने भनेर सम्झौता भएका कामहरु नहुनाले दात्री निकायमा हाम्रो छवी धुमिल छ भने अनुदान पनि पुरै खर्च गर्न नसकिएकोले समग्र मुलुकलाई सित्तैमा आउने पैसा पनी नआएकोले मार परेको छ।
(ग) मुलुकको जनतालाई सडक, विजुली र खानेपानी सुविधा पुर्‍याउन सक्ने अवस्था कमजोर छ। आर्थिक कारणले मात्र नभएर व्यवस्थापकीय कारणले पनि यसो भएका छन।
यथास्थितिमा सरकारले चाहे पनि नचाहे पनि र वर्तमान सरकारको दोष भए पनि नभए पनि दाताहरु हच्केको अवस्था छ। यसका निम्न परीणाम हरु हुनसक्छन:
(क) दात्रिसंस्थाहरु आँफैले विभिन्न गैर्‍ह सरकारी संस्थाहरुमार्फत सहयोग गर्ने । यो अवस्था नेपालमा अहिले निकै “लोकप्रिय” छ र यसका दुई कारण छन: स्थानिय कुलिनहरुले धेरै गैसस हाँकेको परीप्रेक्ष्यमा उनीहरुलाई खासै लेखापरिक्षण नगरिने र सिधै उनीहरुको खातामा पैसा आउने यो विधी प्रती आकर्षण छ भने दात्री संस्थाका स्थानिय प्रतिनिधिहरुले आफ्ना धेरै उतैका मित्रहरुलाई कन्सल्टेन्टको रुपमा ल्याउन पाएका छन। पैसा दिएको जस्तो देखिने तर यता भने नआउने यो विधीको लोकप्रियताको यही कारण हो। हाइटिको उदाहरण हेरौ : बेलायतको ‘द गार्जियन’ का अनुसार हाइटिको सन २०१० को महाभूकम्प पछी दिइएको दश अरब डलर भन्दा बढी रकम मध्य जम्मा ०.६% मात्र हाइटिको आफ्नै संस्थाहरुद्वारा परिचालित भएको थियो।
(ख) सरकारले पैसा लिन सक्ने, तर केही परीणाम नआउने : सरकारले मुलुकमा कार्य गर्नको लागि देशी, विदेशी गैसस, अगैसस तथा कन्सल्ट्यान्टहरुलाई कडा शर्तहरु लगाउन सक्छ। त्यस अवस्थामा अनुदान तथा सबै सहयोग राज्य मार्फत आउनेछ। तर संभवत: यो कदम निकै प्रत्युत्पादक हुने छ र अन्तरराष्ट्रिय संबन्धमा यसले असर पार्ने छ। त्यसबाहेक हाम्रो वर्तमान खर्च गर्न नसक्ने समस्या त छदैछ।  यस संबन्धमा चाडै नै चर्चा गरिनेछ।धेरैजसो गैससहरुमा केही सत्तासीन दलहरु नजिकका व्यक्तिहरुकै वर्चश्व छ।  यसैले सत्ता संचालन सहयात्रीहरुले पनि ढिलो चाडो यसको विरोध गर्नेछन र यो नियमलाई पंगु बनाउने संभावना धेरै छ।
(ग) सरकारले पैसा समेत नलिने र अनुदान त्यसै उतै फर्कने :   राज्यले आँफै निकालेको तथ्यांक अनुसार (Development Cooperation Report 2014 )अनुसार गत वर्ष वैदेशिक अनुदानको जम्मा ६०% खर्च भएको छ। हाम्रा दाताहरुले दिएको १११ अरब रुपैया यस अवधीमा  ४४३ वटा प्रोजेक्ट मा छरेका थिए, अर्थात लगभग २५ करोड रुपैया प्रती प्रोजेक्ट छरिने भनेकोमा जम्मा १५ करोड रुपैया जती खर्च भएको थियो। महंगा कन्सल्टेन्टहरुको तलब को बिचार  गर्नेहो भने केही कामै भएको छैन भन्न सकिन्छ।  खर्च नभएका र त्यसै फर्केका प्रोजेक्ट र अनुदानहरुको लामो फेहरिस्त छ। पुन: यही भैराख्न सक्छ।
यस परिप्रेक्ष्यमा महत्वपूर्ण प्रश्नहरु यी हुन : यथास्थितिमा परिवर्तन नगरि के सरकारले भूकम्पमा असर परेका घरहरुको तथा ऐतिहासिक संरचनाहरुको पुनर्निर्माण गर्न सक्छ? साधारण परिस्थितीमा केही अरब रुपैयाको बिकास खर्च गर्न नसक्ने वर्तमान प्रशासनिक संरचनाले भूकम्प पुनर्निर्माण गर्ने (जस अन्तर्गत छ, सात खरब रुपैया खर्च गर्नुपर्ने हुन्छ) गर्न सक्छ? सक्ने नै भए पनि के दाताहरुले विश्वास गर्नेछन? अथवा उनीहरु आफ्ना च्यानलहरुबाट, सरकारलाई बाइपास गरी , राज्यको शक्ती कमजोर बनाई, सहयोग गर्न उद्यत हुनेछन?  के यही परम्परागत विधीबाट जाँदा मुलुक र जनताको हीत हुन्छ?  यसले भविष्यलाई कस्तो असर पार्छ?
माथी (ग) मा उल्लेख गरिएको मुलुकको अन्तरराष्ट्रिय समुदायमा रहेको प्रतिष्ठाको प्रश्न एक पटक फेरी उठाऔं तर उदाहरण सहित। विश्व बैंकले नेपाल र भारत दुबै लाई भन्सार आधुनिकिकरण गर्न ऋण दिएको छ। भारतको ल्यान्ड पोर्ट अथोरिटिले भारतमा भन्सार बनाइसक्दा पनि नेपालमा त्यस संबन्धी काम भईसकेको थिएन। भारतले विश्व बैंकलाई नेपालको ढिलाईले गर्दा आफुले ठेकेदारलाई काम ढिलो गर भन्नुपरेको छ भनेर भनिरहेको छ।  यता नेपालमा भने विभिन्न मंत्रालयहरु बिच समन्वय नहुने, वैठक नहुने आदी कारणले काम अगाडि नबढेको भन्ने जगजाहेर हुँदा पनि हाम्रा कतिपय ब्युरोक्र्याटहरुभने भारतले बेकार नेपालको बदनाम मात्र गरेको भनेर बचाउ गरीरहेका भेटिन्छन्। वैंकका अधिकारीहरु भने नेपालको गल्ती भएको भन्नेमा विश्वस्त देखिन्छन। यसरी बिस्तारै बिस्तारै विदेशीहरु नेपालमा काम गर्दा गार्‍हो र अनावश्यक झंझट हुन्छ, उनीहरु पैसा दिए पनि समयमा काम नगरी सबैको स्रोतको अवमुल्यन गर्छन् भन्ने सोचाइमा जान थालेको पनि देखिन्छ। कार्यसंपादन गर्ने संबन्धी नेपालको अन्तरराष्ट्रिय प्रतिष्ठामा र्‍हास आएको बेला हामीलाई भूकम्पको झड्का लागेको छ।
अहिले लगभग सबै सरकारी निकायहरुमा जे काम लिएर गए पनि सुनिन्छ, “भुइचालोले गर्दा ढिलो हुन्छ” । भुइचालोले गर्दा यो हुन्छ त्यो हुन्छ भन्ने निकायहरुको अकर्मन्यताले विस्तारै सरकार तथा प्रधानमंत्रीको छवी बिगार्ने संभावना छ। पहिलेदेखिनै आफ्नो निर्धारित काम गर्न नसकेका निकायहरुलाई यी कामहरु थपिदिदा तिनलाई झन गाह्रो पर्ने देखिन्छ। उनीहरुको सहयोग कुनै पनि नयाँ निकायले लिनुपर्छ तर त्यसो भन्दैमा उनीहरुलाई नै सबै जिम्मेवारी दिनुपर्छ भन्ने हैन।
संयुक्त राज्य अमेरिकामा ठुलो हुरी (हरिकेन कत्रिना) आएपछी एक हजार मान्छे मरे, त्यसबेला पनि पुनर्निर्माण को छुट्टै बिभाग बनाएर राष्ट्रपतीले मान्छे खटाएका थिए।उनीहरुका भएका संरचनाहरुले पुनर्निर्माण भनेको ‘साइड जब’ हो भनेर भनेनन, पुनर्निर्माण भनेको विशेष कार्य हो जसलाई विशेष व्यक्ती र बिभाग चाहिन्छ भन्ने बुझे। युरोप र जापान मा पनि दोश्रो विश्वयुद्ध पछी रिकन्स्ट्रक्सन लाई मुख्य फोकस दिइएको थियो। हाम्रोमा रिकन्स्ट्रक्सन को अर्को पनि विशेष अर्थ छ जुन बुझ्न त्यस्तै सैद्धान्तिक आधार बुझेको व्यक्ती चाहिन्छ।
माथि नै भनियो, धेरै समय सम्म नेपालमा राज्य भन्ने कुरो छदै थिएन।पहाडका गाउँमा मुखिया, जिम्मावाल र तराईमा जमिन्दार, जिम्मावाल र पटवारीले शासन गर्थे। प्रहरी थिएन, राजा र प्रधानमंत्रीहरुको सुरक्षा गर्ने सेना थियो,विसं २००७ सम्म त मुलुक को कुल जमीन को ३७% विर्ता थियो जहाँ विर्तावालहरुले आफ्नै तरिकाले शासन गर्थे, तिरो उठाउथे। नेपालमा मान्छेहरु परपर गाउँको पनि कुनामा , पहाडको पनि धेरै पर बस्नुको एक कारण उनीहरुको शासित नहुने चाहना थियो। राज्य तथा राज्यले तोकेका शासक हरुले कहिल्यै सेवा गर्न जनता सम्म गएनन, बरु कर उठाउन गए,युद्धमा सेना बटुल्न गए। मानीसहरु पर बसेको कारण एक पछी अर्को जन-अनुत्तरदायी शासनहरु हुन, जसले साधारण मानिसलाई राज्य सम्म ल्याएनन। राज्यले बिजुली, बाटो, रोजगारी सिर्जना गर्ने हो भने, र राज्यले आफु सेवक हुँ भन्ने अनुभुत दिलाउने हो भने परपर सम्म छरिएका नेपालीहरु शहरमा विस्तारै केन्द्रीक्रित हुने थिए, यसले बिकास गर्न झन सजिलो हुने थियो।
यसैले आज हामीले पुनर्निर्माण गर्दा यसलाई एक सिद्धान्त को रुपमा लिनुपर्छ: हाम्रो पुनर्निर्माण शहरकेन्द्रीत सभ्यता निर्माण गर्न हुनुपर्छ भने गाउँबाट शहरमा मान्छेहरु लैजाने हाम्रो कदम मान्छेको चाहना विपरित जबर्जस्ती पनि गरिनुहुदैन।  (स्टालिन, न्येरेरे आदिले पनि मान्छेहरु एक ठाउँ बाट अर्को मा लैजाने कार्यक्रम ल्याएका थिए भने हाम्रै नेपाल मा रणवहादुर शाहको पालामा काठमाण्डुका बच्चाहरुले नयाँ युवराज गिर्वाणयुद्धलाई रोग सारे भनेर बच्चाहरु सबैलाई शहर बाहिर जबर्जस्ती पठाइएको थियो।) हामीहरुले गर्ने पुनर्निर्माण फगत घरहरुको पुनर्निर्माण नभएर बस्ती बस्ती को पुनर्निर्माण हो जसलाई हाम्रो प्रजातान्त्रिक मान्यताले निर्दिष्ट गर्नुपर्छ।
यसर्थ पुनर्निर्माणसंग संबद्ध हरेक कार्यको राजनैतिक महत्व छ र यि कार्यहरु राजनैतिक दर्शनले प्रेरित हुनुपर्छ। तदनुसार यि सबै कार्यहरुको नेत्रित्व कुनै साधारण प्रशासकलाई दिनु हुँदैन। भूकम्प सय सय वर्षमा जाने हुनाले सय वर्ष पछी पनि हाम्रो सन्ततिहरुले बिगत फर्केर हेर्नेछन: प्रधानमंत्री झलनाथको पालामा के भयो भन्नेमा मान्छेहरुलाई चाडै नै चाख मर्ने छ तर प्रधानमंत्री शुशिल कोइरालाले भूकम्प जादा कसरी त्यसलाई झेले भन्ने कुरा हाम्रो सन्ततिले आगतमा सयौँ वर्ष सम्म हेर्नेछ, जसरी आज प्रधान मंत्री जुद्ध शंसेरले भुकम्पको बेला के गरे वा त्यसअघी भीम सेन थापाले के गरे भनेर हेरिन्छ। रेकर्ड राख्ने चलन बिकसीत भईसकेकोले आज गरिएका कुराहरुमा झन मिहिन विश्लेषण गरिनेछ। आज बनाइएका भूकम्प स्मारक हरु, हामीले धरहरालाई के गर्‍यौ भन्ने कुराहरु यी सबै लाई ईतिहास ले ध्यान दिएर हेर्ने छ र दुर्भाग्यमा भएको यो एक सौभाग्य हो कि यो प्राकृतिक विपत ले हामीलाई ईतिहासको अविष्मरणीय क्षणमा ल्याएर छोडिदिएको छ। भूकम्प पुनर्निर्माणमा गरिने यी हरेक निर्णयहरु कैफियतका हैनन, यसमा प्रधानमंत्री शुसिल कोइरालाको लेगासी पनि जोडीएको छ। यसैले यस्तो पुनर्निर्माणको जिम्मा उच्चस्तरीय राजनैतिक अधिकार सम्पन्न व्यक्तिको हातमा हुनुपर्छ जसमाथी प्रधानमंत्रीको पूर्ण विश्वास रहोस्, जसले अधिकार सम्पन्न रुपमा काम गर्न पाओस, जसका अधिकारहरु सकेसम्म अस्थायी र घटनाविशेष हुन।
माथीको तर्कको विरुद्ध एउटा मत के हुनसक्छ भने भूकम्प पुनर्निर्माण भनेको प्रधानमंत्रीको मात्रै लेगासीको कुरा हैन। हाम्रो समग्र पुस्ताकै हो। तर यस्तो गर्दा हामी जिम्मेवारीलाई फिका (डाइल्युट) गरिरहेका हुनेछौं। राज्यको काम कारबाहिको , सरकारको गुण दोषको समग्र जिम्मेवारी कार्यकारी प्रमुखले लिनुपर्छ। ईतिहासले पनि त्यसरिनै मुल्यांकन गरेको हुनेछ। यसोगर्दा मात्र पदमा बसेका मान्छेहरु लाई आफ्नो संस्थाप्रती अपनत्व आउँछ। जिम्मेवारी सुबिधा चाँही पद अनुकुलको लिने, दायित्व र मुल्यांकनको भार समग्र संस्था वा पद्धतिलाई बोकाउने गर्नु तर्कसंगत हुँदैन।
अन्तमा, एउटा सुबिधाको कुरो के भने अहिले विदेशी निकायहरुले पनि नेपालमा अधिकार संपन्न प्राधिकरणकै चाह गरेका छन। भएका अरु संरचनाहरुले काम गर्न सकेका छैनन भन्ने सबैलाई परेको छ। यसैले सबैतिरबाट हेर्दा प्राधिकरण अपरिहार्य देखिन्छ।
अनुसुची
गुजरातमा के भएको थियो?
गुजरातमा सन २००१  को जनवरीमा  गएको २ मिनेट लामो ६.९ रेक्टर स्केल को भूकम्प र त्यसको ६ रेक्टर सम्मका महिना दिन सम्म आएका पराकम्पनपछी भएको पुनर्निर्माणलाई नेपाली तथा विदेशी पत्रीकाहरुमा पनि नमुनाको रुपमा प्रस्तुत गरिएको पाईन्छ। गुजरातमा पनि त्यसबेलासम्म भूकम्पको तयारी गर्ने वा त्यससंबन्धी समस्यालाई संबोधन गर्ने कुनै निकाय थिएन। भुइचालो गएको दुई हफ्ता भित्रनै गुजरात स्टेट डिज्यास्टर म्यानेज्मेंट कमिटी (GSDMC) बनाइयो। यसको मुख्य काम रीकन्स्ट्रक्सन गर्नु थियो र यो निकायले मुल रुपमा समन्वयकारी निकायको काम गर्थ्यो। विदेशी निकायहरु , जस्तै एडिबी ,ले यसका सहायकको रुपमा काम गर्थे। यो निकाय यति सफल भयो कि दुई वर्ष पछी सन २००३ मा यसले सयुँक्त राष्ट्र संघबाट युएन सासाकावा पुरस्कार पनि जितेको थियो।
गुजरातले घरहरु पुनर्निर्माणलाई खाली पहिलेको जस्तो अवस्थामा फर्काउने अभियानको रुपमा लिएन। भूकम्प जानु अघी ३०% घरमा खानेपानी पुगेका थिए भने पुनर्निर्माण पछी ८०%। दुइखाल का पुनर्निर्माण भएका थिए: घर मालिक ले आँफै गर्ने र दात्री समुदायले गर्ने। जसले गरेपनी गुणस्तर चाँही पुरा गर्नुपर्ने गरी इन्स्पेक्टर हरु खटाइएका थिए।  पुनर्निर्माण भएका घरहरु भूकम्पिय दृष्‍टिले सुरक्षित थिए भने सबै ठाउँमा बिल्डिङ कोड र भुउपयोग नीती राम्रोसँग लागु गरिएको थियो। कतिपय ठाउँमा दाताहरुलाई गाउँ नै “अडाप्ट” गर्न दिइएको थियो।  जनताहरुसँग राज्यको संवाद एक अर्थमा रहिरह्यो : ८ महिनामा १८० वटा भन्दा बढी पब्लिक कन्सल्टेसन मिटिङहरु गरिएको थियो।
सबै प्राकृतिक विपदमा प्रथम शिकार महिला तथा बच्चाहरु हुन्छन भन्ने कुरा गरियो। धेरैजसो पुनर्निर्माण संबन्धी काममा महिलाहरुलाई लगाइएको  थियो र पुनर्निर्माण सकिदा दिगो रोजगारी सिर्जनालाई महत्व दिइएको थियो। भूकम्प लगत्तै ५३% मा रहेको रोजगारी दर केही वर्ष पछी ९३% पुगेको थियो।
सबै पुनर्निर्माण सफल थिए भन्ने हैन: महाराष्ट्र सरकारले बनाइदिएको “नयाँ” वोंध (Vondh) गाउँमा मानिसहरु सर्न मानेनन। सबै मानिसहरुलाई नयाँ शहर मा जान चाख हुन्छ भन्ने केही छैन पनि। मानिसको स्वतन्त्रतालाई स्विकार गर्दै काम गर्दा कतिपय सामाजिक परिवर्तन सोचे जस्तो हुँदैनन भन्ने यो एक उदाहरण हो।
गुजरातको भूकम्पबाट लिन सकिने धेरै शिक्षाहरु छन। के देखिन्छ भने पुनर्निर्माण प्रकृयालाई तीन चरणमा विभाजन गर्न सकिन्छ:: प्रथम चरणमा पुनर्निर्माण प्रकृयाको सिद्धान्तहरु स्पष्ट गरिन्छ, दोश्रोमा जनताको चाहना के छ भन्ने बुझिन्छ र ति सिद्धान्तलाई त्यससँग तालमेल गराइन्छ र तेश्रोमा रिकन्स्ट्रक्सनको प्रोजेक्ट टीम तथा सबैखाले बाहिरी व्यक्तिहरुलाई शान्तपुर्वक गाउँहरु तथा भुकम्प पुनर्निर्माण भएका ठाउँहरुबाट बाहिर निकाली गाउँलेलाई आफ्नै जिम्मामा छोडिन्छ। बोंधमा नयाँ वस्ती बनाउँदा पनि मान्छेहरु बस्नै आएनन । बोंधको पुनर्निर्माण गर्दा त्यहाँका जनताको इच्छा बुझेर गरीएको थिएन।तर माथीनै उल्लेख गरियो, धेरैजसो गाउँहरुमा यस्ता पब्लिक कन्सल्टेशन भने गरिएको थियो र त्यसैले बोंधले गुजरातको पुनर्निर्माण प्रतिनिधित्व भने गर्दैन। गुजरातमा अन्य अत्यधिक धेरैजसो गाउँहरुमा भने पुनर्निर्माण सफल भएको थियो। गुजरातको रिकन्स्ट्रक्सन एक सफल कार्यक्रम हुँदाहुँदै पनि कतिपय ठाउँमा केन्द्र बाट मात्र कुराहरु लादिदा त्यसले आशा गरे अनुरुपको असर छोड्न सकेन।
गुजरातको GSDMC एक सफल संस्थाको रुपमा सन २००३ देखिनै आफ्नो छवी बनाउन सफल भयो। त्यसबाहेक पुनर्निर्माणलाई गुजरातको बिकासको एक अंगको रुपमा लिइएकोले गएको दशकमा पछी भएको गुजरातको बिकासमा पनि पुनर्निर्माणका कामहरु र त्यसले सिर्जना गरेका रोजगारीका अवसरहरुले भूमिका खेलेका थिए। भुकम्प गएको दुइवर्ष भित्रनै गुजरात का भूकम्प प्रभावित क्षेत्रहरु पहिलेको भन्दा निकै राम्रो भैसकेका थिए भन्ने मानिन्छ।
जुद्ध शंसेरले के गरेका थिए?
नब्बे सालमा प्रधानमंत्री जुद्ध शंसेर थिए: शक्तिशाली, जण्ड तर अगतिला। जुद्ध शंसेरलाई ईतिहासले राम्रो मान्छे भन्दैन। उनका घरभरी श्रीमतिहरु थिए, उनी खड्ग र चन्द्रशंसेर जस्तो पढेलेखेका थिएनन, वीरशंसेर जस्ता धर्मभीरु थिएनन, उनी धेरै रिसाहा थिए, उनले ९७ सालमा चार शहिदहरुलाई सिद्द्याएका थिए।१९९० सालमा भूकम्प जाँदा महाकालीमा शिकार खेलिरहेका उनी तीन साता पछी मात्र काठमाण्डु फर्केका थिए। भूकम्पको लगत्तै पछी पद्म शंसेरले खुबै सेवा भाव राखेर काम गरेका थिए र पीडितहरुको सेवा गर्न ‘भूकम्प पीडित सेवा दल’ खोलेका थिए। त्यो संस्था खुब लोकप्रिय भएको थियो, त्यसमा आवद्ध व्रह्म शंसेरले पछी गएर निकै पढिएको ‘९० सालको महाभूकम्प’ भन्ने किताब लेखेका थिए। संस्थाका मान्छेहरुले घरघर गएर  मान्छेहरुको उद्दार गरेका थिए। जुद्ध महाकालीबाट फर्केर आएपछी बेकार पद्म लोकप्रिय भए भनेर त्यो संस्था खारेज गरिदिए। फेरी मान्छेहरुले आलोचना गरे भन्ने सोचेर सरकारी स्तरमा ‘भूकम्प पिडितोद्धार संस्था’ गठन गरे।  केही समयपछी  भूकम्पको बेला राम्रो भूमीका खेलेका उनका दोश्रा रोलक्रममा रहेका रुद्र शंसेर लाई काठमाण्डुबाट पाल्पा निकाला गरेका थिए राणाशासन यसरी नै चलेको थियो,त्यसबेला पनि यसरी नै चल्यो।
भूकम्प पुनर्निर्माण तेत्तिकै भने खेर गएन। तलका अनुच्छेदहरु सरदार भीम वहाँदुर पाँडेको त्यसबखतको नेपाल बाट लिइएको हो (कही शब्दकाशब्द र कही सारांशमात्र):
भूकम्पमा भत्केका घरहरु जनताले आँफै बनाउन भन्ने जुद्धको चाहना थियो। तदनुसार वर्षको रु ३ करोड राजश्व उठ्ने त्यो जमानामा जुद्धले रु ३० लाख भूकम्पले भत्काएका घर बनाउन निर्व्याजी ऋण सापटी दिए। पछी विरशंसेरका मठ्या छोरा तेज शंसेरले त्यो सबै ऋण आँफै तिरिदिन्छु भनेकाले बेकार उनलाई लोकप्रिय बन्न नदिन जुद्धले नउठेका सबै ऋण माफि दिए।
पुनर्निर्माण गतिबिधी बढेको कारणले कामदारको ज्यालाको दर काठमाण्डुमा १९९० सालदेखी बढ्न शुरु गर्‍यो।कागजको नोट नभएको नेपालमा त्यसबेलासम्म नत्र सितिमिती भाउ बढ्दैनथ्यो। इटको भाउ, ज्यामी, डकर्मी, सिकर्मी, बज्रकर्मीको ज्याला बढ्यो। भारतबाट ज्यामी, सिकर्मी, डकर्मी, वज्रकर्मी पनि काम गर्न उपत्यकामा सर्वप्रथम आए। भूकम्पमा घर बनाउने कालिगडको भाव महसुस भएकोले धेरै अघिदेखी भारतीयहरुलाई नेपाल पस्न नपाउने गरी लागेको प्रतिबन्ध खुल्यो। जस्ताका छानाले छाइएका घरहरु नेपालमा पहिलोपटक देखिन लागे।
१९९० सालको महाभूकम्पपछी नेपालमा बन्द व्यापार निकै बढ्यो। विसं १९९२ मा उद्योग परिषद को गठन भयो। यसले विसं १९९३ मा नयाँ उद्योग संबन्धी ऐन बनायो। त्यही ऐन अन्तर्गत १९९४ साल मा नेपाल वैंक लिमिटेड, चिनी, सुती कपडा, जुट मिल, खानेए खोज्ने कम्पनी , कागज बनाउने कम्पनी, धन्वन्तरी निकेतन, साबुन र तेल , प्लाइउड  र बबिन, फ्रेमर फर्निचर, काष्ठ कार्यालय जस्ता २९ वटा लिमिटेड कम्पनी धडाधड खुल्दै गए। ..१९९७/९८ मा नवनिर्मित जुट मिल ले ११०% लाभांश वितरण गरेकोले नेपालीहरु शेयरमा लगानी गर्न खुब जोसिएका थिए। शेयर खुल्यो भन्ने सुन्ने बित्तिकै दौडिन्थे।  ।
विसं १९९४ सालमा पूर्व धनकुटा देखी पश्चिम भैरहवासम्म १० लाइन टेलिफोन जोडीए। यत्तिको लागि त्यतिखेर रु १,६८,९००।०० खर्च भएको थियो।
त्यसबाहेक त्रिपुरेश्वरमा घरेलु उद्योग, घुम्ती स्कुल, नयाँ सडकमा आदर्श भण्डार र नेपाल वस्त्रकला प्रचार संस्था गठन भए। बीज भण्डार खुले, बागलुङ्मा कुट खेती, पुस्तुङ् मा पानी नून बनाउने काम शुरु  भयो। बाग्लुङ, पाल्पा, बन्दीपुर, बनेपा, भोजपुरमा घरेलु इलम केन्द्र खुले। जनकपुरमा कपास खेतीको प्रचार बढ्यो र परवानीपुरमा कृषि बिकास केन्द्र खुल्यो। काठमाण्डुमा नै धर्मवीर,  दयावीर सिंह कंसाकार हरुले नेपाली कपडा बुन्ने नयाँ ढाँचाका  कुटीर उद्योग खोले।९४ सालमा नै ६६ लाख को लागतमा सुन्दरीजलमा बिजुली बनाइयो।
उनले सेनामा अनिवार्य उमेर हद लाग्ने चलन चलाए र अवकाश पछी पेन्सन दिइने चलन पनि शुरु गरे।त्यस अघी रिटायर्ड हुने चलन थिएन, आर्यघाटमा तानाबाना बुझाउने भन्ने हुन्थ्यो। निजामतीमा पनि वर्षेनी पजनी गर्ने चलन हटाए। १९९४ सालमा नै जर्नेल कृष्ण शंसेरको मातहतमा क्रिषी विभाग खडा गरियो। त्यस अन्तर्गत मनुस्वारा दुधरा, तिलावे, सिर्सिया नहर र परवानीपुरमा कृषि अनुसन्धान फारम खुले। टुडीखेल वरीपरी र जुद्ध सडक पिच गरियो। विसं १९९६ मा प्रधान न्यायालय बनाउने सनद खुल्यो।उनको आफ्नै छोरा बहादुर शंसेर नै प्रथम प्रधान न्यायाधिस भएकोले यसलाई स्वतन्त्र न्यायालयको रुपमा मान्यता भने दिइदैन।
जुद्ध पुरानो समयका व्यक्ती थिए र उनीबाट समाजले धेरै आशा गर्न सक्ने स्थिती थिएन। तर जुद्धले जे गरे, विदेशीहरु संग एक रुपैयाँ पनि नलिइ गरेका थिए। उनले आँटी हालेपनी उनका भाई छोराहरुले नेपालमा उदार व्यवस्था ल्याउन दिदैनथे,जनता जागिहालेभने आफ्नो खाने बेलामा आफुले केही नपाई मरिने हो कि भनेर। र पनि भूकम्प पछी उनले निकै जोशिएर नेपाल मा प्रथम पटक औद्योगिकिकरण को जग हालेका थिए, नेपाल बैंक लिमिटेड जस्तो संस्था खोलेका थिए जुन अझै पनि छदैछ। तानाशाही व्यवस्था भएकोले यि धेरै कुराहरु उनीपछिका शासकहरुले चलिराख्न दिएनन। उनले आँफैले पनि कतिपय कुराहरु खाली लोकलाजराख्नको निमित्त मात्र गरेका हुँदाहुन।  यत्ती चाँही भन्न सकिन्छ: भुइचालो अघी र पछीको समाज एकै रहेन, आर्थिक, सामाजिक र राजनीतिक दृष्‍टिले।